martes, 27 de octubre de 2026

PARTICIPANTES Y MOTIVOS PARA LAS PROTESTAS EN FRANCIA EN SEPTIEMBRE Y OCTUBRE, 2026

 

K. Cronick

Durante septiembre y octubre de este año, varias ciudades europeas han sufrido repetidas manifestaciones en las cuales ha habido insistentes actos violentos, tanto de parte de los manifestantes, como de las fuerzas de orden. Francia ha estado en el punto focal de estos eventos. Hubo saqueos en París, Marsella, Burdeos y otras ciudades. Las manifestaciones han tenido eco en otras partes de Europa como Bélgica, España, Italia, Portugal, Grecia, Albania, Alemania, Austria e Irlanda.

Este desorden es el resultado de choques de varias quejas y varios grupos: una huelga escolar que se convirtió en a) una revuelta estudiantil nacional y b) un choque liderizado por diversos grupos socio políticos sobre el precio del combustible, en parte derivado de la guerra de Irán. Entre estos grupos están los Chalecos Amarillos y otros grupos sin organización formal, que se movilizan por medio de mensajes en el Internet. La intensidad del desorden aumentó en parte debido a las acciones represivas por parte de las fuerzas policiales: Shanagher observa que, “Cuando se desplegó la policía antidisturbios, sus respuestas violentas y contundentes a los jóvenes manifestantes provocaron aún más indignación” (2026).

Los protagonistas más notables han sido estudiantes liceístas que protestan por las condiciones físicas de sus instituciones, la falta de profesores, los horarios extendidos de clases y las condiciones inadecuadas en general, en que viven. En octubre estudiantes universitarios se han sumido a las protestas. Junto con los estudiantes han participado algunos sindicatos laborales, y miembros de varios partidos políticos, principalmente el partido comunista de Melenchón, La Francia Insumisa. También han participado algunos grupos informales. Hablaré de estos grupos en lo siguiente.

El partido de Marie Le Pen, la Agrupación Nacional (Rassemblement National)[1] no ha participado, por lo menos no directamente. Le Pen ha participado con denuncias muy sui generis sobre la violencia, mientras de razón a las causas de los manifestantes. Ha declarado, sin evidencia alguna, que la violencia de las manifestaciones proviene de la influencia de los migrantes que habitan en los suburbios pobres, llamándolos delincuentes, pero hasta ahora su partido no ha participado directamente en las manifestaciones. Jordan Bardella, el presidente de este Partido ha exigido que “los partidos de la lejana izquierda sean designados como organizaciones terroristas” (Lister, 2026).

Hay grupos informales que también participan. Los “Black Blocs” son agitadores anarquistas en Francia. Más que grupos formales, forman una especie de una estrategia de protesta; los participantes usan ropa negra y tapan sus rostros para evitar ser reconocidos.

También involucrado es el famoso grupo no-convencional y transitorio, los Chalecos Amarillos (Mouvement des gilets jaunes). Este grupo tiene una historia de participación desde el año 2018, y cierta reputación por promover violencia en las protestas franceses. En general sus participantes se indignan por el alto costo de la vida, sobre todo los combustibles, pero también en el pasado han denunciado temas como los límites legales de la velocidad permitida en las carreteras.   Este movimiento forma parte de una ola de movimientos sociales a escala global “en reacción a ‘regímenes políticos envejecidos y de creciente desigualdad’ según Les Décodeurs du Monde” (Wikipedia, s.f.).  

Mis motivos para escribir este resumen son dos: a) clarificar una situación muy ambigua que ha ocupado las noticias por dos meses, y b) contribuir, a lo que aprecio como una buena práctica argumentativa, es decir, una descripción fidedigna y múltiple de unos acontecimientos recientes, con características socio-culturales y políticas. En un ensayo reciente, dije:

…la práctica de la argumentación [es] como un recurso cultural y social que tiene un papel importante en la construcción de la paz. Para que sea así es importante que los participantes entiendan su papel y la dinámica de los elementos involucrados como la calidad de la información empleada y el rol de las emociones, tanto en la construcción social de los temas en debate, como en los motivos de los participantes (Cronick, 2026).

Invito a mis eventuales lectores discreparse conmigo sobre lo que he presentado en estas líneas.

REFERENCIAS

Cronick, K. (2026,25 de octubre). Comunicación y argumentación. Blog: Reflexiones4-Karen. https://reflexiones4-karen.blogspot.com/2026/10/comunicacion-y-argumentacion.html

Lister,Tim (2026. Oct 19). The rioting across France is a symptom of a much larger public and political crisis. CNN World. https://edition.cnn.com/2026/10/19/europe/france-riots-political-crisis-intl

Shanagher, Lily (2026, Oct 19). Why have riots erupted in France?  The Telegraph. https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/10/20/why-riots-erupted-in-france/

Wikipedia (s.f.). Movimiento de los Chalecos Amarillos. Wikipedia. https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mouvement_des_Gilets_jaunes



[1] El nombre actual del partido de Le Pen es Agrupación Nacional (Rassemblement National). Hasta el 2018 este partido se llamaba Frente Nacional (Front National).

domingo, 25 de octubre de 2026

Comunicación y argumentación

 


K. Cronick

Las discusiones y los debates son herramientas esenciales en la construcción de la paz. Ellos forman una parte básica en la determinación de la verdad sobre bases sólidas y demostrables. Pero también, cuando discutimos bien evitamos la violencia, y esto es cierto en todos los niveles, tanto en los organismos internacionales como en las conversaciones entre padres e hijos. Por esto es importante entender su dinámica.

En los siguientes parágrafos voy a considerar cómo construir argumentos enriquecedores. Pero primero voy a hacer una pequeña digresión para preguntar qué es la comunicación. A final, los argumentos son comunicaciones con características que hay que entender.

Es importantes conocer las dinámicas de las discrepancias y saber usarlas, son los instrumentos para forjar acuerdos y no debemos tenerles miedo.

Debajo de las palabras hay significados y muchas emociones. El primer paso es reconocerlos; el segundo es emplear a ambos, tanto los significados como las emociones, para que nuestras palabras lleguen a nuestros oyentes tal como queremos éstos nos entienden, es decir como mensajes útiles y constructivas.

¿Qué es la comunicación?

El mundo está en constante comunicación. Pero como primer paso hay que distinguir los fenómenos físicos de los mensajes. Los fenómenos físicos como la temperatura y la luz pueden convertirse en sensaciones como el brillo, la oscuridad, el calor y el frío, es decir, se convierten en mensajes. Estos avisos del mundo físico, a su vez, tienen efectos materiales que tanto plantas como animales “perciben” como señales para iniciar “actos” como estirar los raíces o acostarse a invernar. Algunas señales tienen sus orígenes en el mismo cuerpo de un ser vivo, como cuando la falta de calorías se convierte en hambre.

La comunicación humana ocurre de muchas maneras. A veces es personal, por medio de gestos y lenguaje, y a veces queda como mensajes implícitos como en las señales de tráfico, o en un muro construido para impedir el paso. Otras veces se plasman en mensajes culturales preservados en libros, y las imágenes en películas y vídeos. Otras formas de comunicación son no verbales, como en las expresiones faciales o los gestos, como sonreír y saludar con la mano. También hay herramientas culturales como en obras de teatro y en la música que transmiten significados muy precisos. Incluso un reflejo contra una ventana de cristal puede tener valor informativo o emocional: puede señalar la presencia de algo oculto, o simplemente transmitir una sensación de belleza.

El lenguaje abre muchas otras posibilidades para explicitar contenidos y preservar memorias e información. Puede ser escrito o verbal. Pero casi siempre el lenguaje viene acompañado por signos emocionales. Verbalmente la gente puede escribir libros o gritar insultos, murmurar seducciones o elogiar a una celebridad. Pueden desarrollar argumentos, y usar estrategias retóricas. Los tonos de voz y las sutilezas retóricas pueden cambiar o aumentar la fuerza emocional de las comunicaciones verbales. Una demostración emocional (un saludo –“buenos días, verte me produce alegría”-, o una réplica iracunda –“¡qué estupidez!”-), una denuncia o un grito pidiendo ayuda, contienen mensajes tanto de significado lingüístico como emocional.

La información puede, a veces, carecer de emoción. Hay anuncios como un aviso (el precio de este producto es $5). Sin embargo, aun la información “neutral” puede dividir a los oyentes. Si en el mercado el mismo producto viene acompañado por dos avisos (“Este producto cuesta $5” y “Este producto cuesta $2) los clientes se confunden y tienen que pedir clarificaciones. La información puede conducir a conclusiones concordantes o discordantes. Es decir, las personas pueden construir los mensajes que reciben en pares opuestos. Esto normalmente ocurre cuando contienen juicios de valor, pero ocurre también cuando dos mensajes con pretensiones objetivas no coinciden en sus contenidos.

Con relación a los juicios de valor, un precio para la compra de una mercancía puede ser justo o injusto. Algo puede caracterizarse como bello o feo.

Los desacuerdos

Los desacuerdos sobre hechos pueden ser formales o informales. Por ejemplo, una persona puede afirmar, sin mentir, que percibe el color rojo en un objeto y otra podrías decir que el mismo objeto es de color naranja. Al nivel formal, diferentes conclusiones en distintos investigaciones estadísticas o científicas pueden conducir a resultado distintos si hay diferencias de muestreo, análisis o de definición.

Las diferencias pueden surgir a partir de una carencia de información:  Se puede preguntar: ¿Dónde y cuando nació Homero, el poeta griego? ¿Existió realmente el Rey Arturo de Inglaterra?  ¿Cuándo terminó la Revolución Francesa? Para contestar estas preguntas no existe información confiable. Puede haber distintas respuestas a estas preguntas, porque no existe evidencias demostrables para contestaras inequívocamente.

Otros desacuerdos nacen de la construcción paralela de sistemas de creencia cuyos fundamentos son distintos. En estos casos la evidencia es irrelevante. Los más evidentes ejemplos de este caso son las opiniones políticas y los principios religiosos. Pero hay otros ejemplos, como los desacuerdos sobre el valor de las vacunas, o la creencia en extraterrestres en la Tierra. Según la mayoría de las fuentes científicas, las vacunas de comprobaba trayectoria son confiables, y no hay evidencia creíble sobre la llegada de individuos que provienen desde otros planetas a la Tierra. Sin embargo, hay personas que han decidido tomar posiciones idiosincráticas al respecto.

Hay desacuerdos que nacen de motivos ocultos, como lealtades políticas cuestionables o entusiasmos identificatorias, como el nacionalismo o la filiación con una raza particular. Es cierto que el comercio transatlántico de esclavos desplazó por la fuerza a millones de africanos. Cuando la gente discute estos temas, sin embargo, en realidad no está debatiendo. Este tipo de desacuerdo tiene más que ver con cuestiones emocionales que históricas. Sin embargo, muchas discrepancias son así. El objetivo personal de una persona que toma parte en discutirlas puede ser algún tipo de autoafirmación, o un intento de influencia social, pero tiene poco que ver con la veracidad.

 

Las personas forman opiniones a partir de la información que reciben.

Los argumentos son respuestas verbales a los desacuerdos, y aunque llevan implícita la incomodidad de la falta de harmonía, en general no conducen a la violencia. De hecho, participar en un argumento puede ayudar a los participantes entender mejor los temas que discuten, y puede producir un gran placer comunicacional. El intercambio, cuando esté amable y de buen ánimo, puede aumentar el sentido de pertinencia grupal y la reciprocidad de la relación social.

El placer de conversar es mayor cuando se practica con amigos o familiares; en la conversación compartimos vivencias, proyectos futuros y relatos en un ambiente relajado, con respeto y cariño. Es una manera de experimentar amistad y apego. Incluso entre colegas y personas con quienes las afinidades no sean tan estrechas, las conversaciones sobre diferencias de opinión y creencia pueden expresar harmonía y simpatía. Incluso, los desacuerdos pueden expresarse como modos de convivencia, en que hay disfrute y aceptación mutua.[1]

Argumentaciones con ganadores y perdedores

En ambientes más formales como en congresos y las organizaciones con reglas predeterminadas como ciertas agrupaciones internacionales, conversar se vuelve más formalmente estructurado, y normalmente tiene propósitos predefinidos. Estos intercambios pueden conducir a la resolución exitosa de un desacuerdo, y esto es su objetivo principal. El caso más extremo sería un juicio legal en que la dispute casi siempre tiene características beligerantes.

A veces un argumento verbal puede suscitar una reacción violenta. Argumentos pueden degenerarse en gritos y aun golpes, pero en estos casos las estrategias argumentativas han fracasado.

Mario Gensollen (2012m p. 116-117) dice:

a) Iniciamos ciclos argumentales cuando hay conflictos de creencias. Sin conflicto no hay argumentación, a lo más pedagogía argumentativa. Cuando acordamos, de inicio la argumentación se vuelve innecesaria. Los teólogos y los juristas debaten, cuando no hay conflicto, como un ejercicio pedagógico, como un mero entrenamiento. La argumentación inicia a partir nuestro natural desacuerdo en muchas de nuestras creencias.

b) Argumentamos cuando deseamos resolver el conflicto evitando violencias externas: porque deseamos llegar, mediante el ejercicio de dar y recibir razones, a la forma menos violenta de acuerdo.

Gensollen habla de una «epistemología del desacuerdo» que examina las razones por las discordias y las ideas encontradas. No es trivial preguntar por qué las personas llegan a conclusiones distintas y forman cuerpos de creencias diferentes. Esto ha sido uno de los fenómenos culturales más frecuentes de la historia humana, y lealdad a una creencia en particular ha sido un requisito de pertinencia grupal casi siempre.

También Gensollen pregunta por el objetivo de los argumentos. En general los participantes desean “ganar” sus debates, pero a veces se trata de la búsqueda en común de estrategias de convivencia. En la jurisprudencia hay condiciones de base, como, por ejemplo, suponer la inocencia de un juzgado antes de decidir al final sobre su posible culpabilidad.

Dice el autor que existe alguna presuposición en el fondo de toda la argumentación: de que habrá ciertos resultados seguros: por ejemplo, que los participantes al final actuarán como si el lado ganador fuese verdadero, deseable, correcto y adecuado, aunque de verdad no estén de acuerdo. Gensollen observa que “toda argumentación está situada”, es decir siempre hay algunos presupuestos compartidos. Si no fuera así, argumentar sería imposible. Por ejemplo, los participantes normalmente comparten la idea de que puedan existir explicaciones para los fenómenos del mundo físico y social. Si el mundo fuera caos, no tiene sentido buscarle esclarecimientos.

Dice Gensollen que la lógica formal es una herramienta útil pero no suficiente. Como muchas opiniones y posiciones no descansan sobre conclusiones racionales, se requiere: a) “saber cuándo y qué preguntar, b) clarificar el discurso, c) reconocer la estructura del argumento, d) saber cuándo la evidencia es suficiente e insuficiente, y e) buscar alternativas (p. 125).

La paz y la concordia

La primera observación que podemos hacer sobre la argumentación como un instrumento de paz y concordia tiene que ver con los motivos de los participantes. Es tal vez la pregunta más importante.

Si el objetivo es clarificar algo como en una discusión científica, entonces las reglas tienen que ver con la calidad de la evidencia y lo adecuado de los métodos empleados para obtenerla. Si se trata de llegar a un acuerdo de convivencia, aceptando las diferencias, entonces es necesario apelar siempre a los motivos comunes y la esencial unidad de todos los concurrentes. Si el motivo es lograr la sumisión o capitulación de los demás, puede haber dos escenarios posibles: a) un juicio legal en que todos estén de acuerdo con aceptar la decisión de un juez o un jurado, y b) una situación que no es realmente de un argumento, sino un ejercicio de poder.

Desacuerdos sobre temas cuyas evidencias sean débiles también pueden ser un motivo de discusión. En este caso es necesario dividir el tema principal en esquemas secundarias y discutir cada uno. Por ejemplo, si el objetivo es entender las fuerzas involucrados en un brote de disturbios sociopolíticos, entonces es importante tener claro quiénes estén manifestando, sus motivos para participar y los efectos de sus acciones. Con frecuencia esta información no existe, es ambivalente o tarda mucho en esclarecerse. Mientras tanto, lo analistas -formales e informales- argumentan con los datos que tienen. Y lo único que pueden replicar sus adversarios es: “¡Esto es falso (mentira)!” El argumento no puede avanzar más allá de las primeras declaraciones, y la única conclusión posible es de acordar la necesidad de más información y una postura de respeto mutuo.

Reflexiones finales

Casi todas las declaraciones, opiniones, creencias y observaciones pueden someterse a dudas sobre sus criterios de validez y pertinencia, aun aquellas que tienen que ver con juicios de valor. Sin embargo, cuando se trata de temas cuya comprobación sea casi universal (el mundo es redondo) no hay argumentaciones posibles. Los polemistas tendrían que prescindir de toda pretensión de que haya evidencias. Por otro lado, posiciones de valor, como la aceptabilidad o no de la pena de muerte pueden discutirse, siempre cuando los participantes estén de acuerdo sobre sus postulados iniciales, por ejemplo, en este caso, la existencia de la justicia como un valor social.

Ha sido mi objetivo en este ensayo presentar la práctica de la argumentación como un recurso cultural y social que tiene un papel importante en la construcción de la paz. Para que sea así es importante que los participantes entiendan su papel y la dinámica de los elementos involucrados como la calidad de la información empleada y el rol de las emociones, tanto en la construcción social de los temas en debate, como en los motivos de los participantes.

En cierto sentido argumentar es como un deporte: es un ejercicio de confrontación, pero tiene reglas de juego, y objetivos predeterminados. En el caso de la argumentación estos objetivos pueden ser clarificar un punto de vista confuso, lograr una comunidad de convivencia o ganar sobre un oponente. Cada escenario de argumentación y debate tiene sus propias metas, y los contextos de un grupo familiar pueden distar mucho de las de un tribunal.

Las religiones siempre han estado en pugna y estos choques suelen resolverse por medio del sable. Las conquistas y la colonización han significado la imposición de los dogmas de los vencedores. De igual manera, los vencedores han impuesto sus soluciones culturales y económicos sobre los conquistados. Pero a partir de la Ilustración en el siglo XVIII se inició un proceso paralelo de respeto y debate, que ha sido plasmado en varias constituciones nacionales, y luego en el siglo XX ha sido el fundamento de organizaciones internacionales como las Naciones Unidas y la Unión Europea.

A niveles más pequeños se está empleando estrategias argumentativas en comunidades locales (Rojas & Cronick, en revisión) y en grupos familiares la terapia en grupo las emplea.

Este ensayo propone participar en esta tendencia de promover la argumentación como un elemento civilizatorio en la cultura humana.

 

REFERENCIAS:

Gensollen, Mario (2012, julio). Virtudes argumentativas: hacia una cultura de la paz. Revista de Filosofía 6(11):115-132. DOI:10.33064/11euph170

Rojas, Raúl y Cronick, Karen (en revisión). Capital social y resiliencia en contexto de crisis: aproximación fundamentada. New trends y cualitative research.

 

 



[1] Se trata de un arte que se cultiva cada vez menos en la actualidad, porque está siendo sustituido por los juegos en línea y el uso de las redes sociales. Con los teléfonos celulares las personas no se miran a los ojos, y no conversan.

jueves, 22 de octubre de 2026

Simultaneously (POEM)

 

K. Cronick

 

I raise my voice,

I raise my hand,

my thoughts are acts,

They are commands.

They’re acts of will:

now, indelibly,

in this split second,

I decided

and selected

my next moment,

going, coming,

being and becoming

to be. 


To glance over there.

I am making a choice.

 

Time is simultaneous.

The past, the present

and the future

are all one.

Forever and never,

They are all together.

 

Just a burst ago

Before all that,

I picked another one,

that put me here

straight away,

like a flash of dawn

across the valley,

suddenly awake.

 

When I stopped and didn’t,

Then possible was never.

So, after everything

when I am haze, I will be

what I was then, at that last spark

at the latter beat

of the musical measure

of the song,

of the rune of time.

 

And they will all emerge

from the hidden sea

of what they were,

where originally,

the apples grew,

and all was rich

with wisdom,

time, and wonder.

miércoles, 14 de octubre de 2026

I can´t do it (poem)

 K. Cronick

I can´t do it. It can’t be done.

The door’s ajar, the sea’s alive

with other waves of love

that flow from far away,

that will sweep across the sands

of other islands. Other hands

will sift the crystals on the shores

where once I walked. They will whisper

cry, and laugh for other reasons,

caprices of their own.

lunes, 12 de octubre de 2026

El 12 de Octubre

 

K. Cronick

Hace muchos años fui, un 12 de octubre, con varias personas, incluyendo el antropólogo Neptali Álvarez, a la Montaña de Sorte en Yaracuy.

Por mi parte esta visita tenía un ánimo más de turismo cultural que espiritual, y yo observaba todo con asombro por lo que percibí como una celebración de inclusión e identidad. Claro, mis aspiraciones racionales y científicas impedían que participara en lo que veía. Este culto (o asimilación de muchos cultos) es una fantasía selvática con sus propias reglas de crecimiento y evolución, y es una realidad muy diferente a la mía.

Michaelle Ascencio lo describe como:

…un sistema de correspondencias entre dioses paganos y santos católicos, y entre los ritos de una y otra, tal como sabemos ocurrió con la santería, con el vodú y el candomblé, las tres religiones afroamericanas de nuestro continente, y con los cultos como San Juan y San Benito, en Venezuela (Referencia 2, p. 8).

Además, el culto se compone de variados “cortes” que específicamente refieren a los grupos étnicos en Venezuela, como el Corte india, el corte negro, algunas deidades africanas como Changó, y  Ochún, algunos grupos naturalísticos, los médicos -específicamente al Santo José Gregorio Hernández-, algunos militares y aun unos “malandros” de barrio que hicieron reputaciones en sus zonas, y que, después de morir, son admirados por algunos de sus seguidores.

Ascencio habla del sentido de la responsabilidad personal entre los seguidores de la Santería. Se trata de algo es muy diferente a la culpa católica, porque es:

“una sociedad que proyecta el mal sobre los demás, sean espíritus o seres de carne y hueso, los individuos no se sienten responsables (en última instancia, culpables) sino perseguidos: la relación entre la conducta y sus consecuencias no se percibe” (p. 7).

Todo esto permite que sus seguidores puedan obrar en grupos que carecen de una conciencia ética formal, y sin respeto para una ley y un moral abstracto de responsabilidad social.

 Sin embargo, al nivel comunitario, en la Santería el destino y el bienestar son valores compartidos de relaciones interpersonales. La vida espiritual de la comunidad se relaciona con la vida colectiva tanto en lo material como en lo emocional, aunque a veces estas personas no viven en los mismos espacios físicos. En esto lo ceremonial junta a grupos de convicción (sin habitar necesariamente las mismas calles) y da pautas para la resolución de los conflictos.

Existe la magia en la Santería que Ascencio clasifica en cuatro categorías: prácticas benéficas, prácticas maléficas, prácticas adivinatorias y prácticas propiciatorias. No es lo mismo que el milagro cristiano ya que el poder del acto ritual es la misma fuente del portento, mientras en el catolicismo se trata de una bendición conferida por un santo o por Dios. Además, el cristianismo no contempla prácticas maléficas.

La divinidad de la montaña, María Lionza, es una mujer. Es, como la María cristiana, a la vez una madre y una virgen, y también -como Eva-, se encuentra con una serpiente. Pero en su caso se trata de una anaconda que le rescata, no le condena. “Ella es el principio creador independiente del hombre personalizado, el poder y la riqueza de lo femenino apartado del principio masculino” (Referencia 1).

 

Referencias

1.       La Montaña de Sorte en Venezuela (I): María Lionza y las cortes espirituales. (n.d.). Abra. https://www.abracademica.com/l/la-montana-de-sorte-en-venezuela-i-maria-lionza-y-las-cortes-espirituales/

2.      Michaelle Ascencio )2012/ 2015, 24de abril). De que vuelan, vuelan. Imaginarios religiosos venezolanos. ePub r1.0, Titivillus, www.lectulandia.com.

domingo, 11 de octubre de 2026

CRUELTY AS CULTURE, AND OVERCOMING IT

 

Karen Cronick

 

INTRODUCTIOIN

The term “cruelty” refers to a negative cultural concept. It doesn’t just denote causing pain; it means purposefully hurting others. Doctors and dentist may hurt their patients in their efforts to cure them, but they do not do so intentionally, and usually they take measures to diminish discomfort. Those who do it on purpose, and use it to further their own ambitions, are considered cruel, and are these days they are usually socially censured for this.

Disapproval of causing pain is deeply rooted in people’s biological capacity for empathy, because the term, in and of itself, englobes a condemnation of harmful behavior. One cannot be nicely cruel. Indeed, most animals have some empathetic capacities, but in humans and some simian groups this capacity has been ethically elaborated. In human societies it appears in poetry, legends, and folklore from before the beginning of historical times.

The word “cruelty”, is a derivative of the Latin “crudelitatem”, meaning "rude, unfeeling, cruel, hard-hearted," (Etymonline, n.d.). It has French derivatives such as the Old French “crualté” (12 c).

The concept appears in ancient poetry and chronicles. Lentini (n.d.) examens the idea of verbal abuse in Homer, but the condemnation of actual physical abuse in this poet must be interpreted, because as it is described in the Iliad it is not overt. Cronick (2022) observes that “From the fourth book the Iliad is almost an anti-war poem. There is no way to read it without beginning to feel overwhelmed by so much death, because Homer creates terrible descriptions of adversaries bathed in blood. But, in general, in his poems the criticism is only implied, not explicit. And in the Odyssey Homer appears to applaud Ulysses’ cruelty and unlimited ambition.

On the other hand, some three centuries later Greek poets began to openly appeal to their audience’s empathetic capacities. For example, in "The Trojan Women" Euripides (V century B.C./ 2015) lamented the sad fate of the Trojan survivors who were to become the slaves of the conquering Greeks after their defeat.

Other historical and traditional literature develop this evolution toward condemning cruelty. The Old Testament has mixed messages about the notion. Cruelty, both by individuals and nations is condemned in the Old Testament, but usually it refers to criticisms of Israel´s enemies’ mercilessness. In the Old Testament book of Amos [1], the Lord condemns Edom for his acts against Israel: "Because he pursued his brother with the sword, stifling all compassion, because his anger raged continually and his fury flamed unchecked." (Amos 1:11). Wars and enemies’ deaths are sometimes described as achievements, as in Israel’s conquest of Jericho (the Book of Joshua, chapters 2 and 6). In Proverbs, on the other hand, (11:17) we find: "A kind man benefits himself, but a cruel man brings trouble on himself." Here kindness is not only depicted as a virtue, but is seen as beneficial for the actor himself, and cruelty is seen as self-destructive.

It was, however, not until the advent of Christianity that “love” became a primary cultural motive, at least in principle. This motive was clearly opposed to cruelty in all its manifestations, and Augustine, in his City of God, applauded how the Christian temples took in, and shielded the heathen Romans who were escaping from Alaric’s Gothic invasion. Cronick (2026b) observes that, Christianity:

[…] formed a community of belief that did not always share a physical territory. As Saint Augustine said, “For the blessedness of a community and of an individual flow from the same source; for a community is nothing else than a harmonious collection of individuals” (City of God, B. 1, Ch. 15, p 50).

In this essay I will explore the concept of cruelty as a cultural phenomenon.[2] Gordon Allport (1954) had this to say about the concept:

Normal men everywhere reject, in principle and by preference, the path of war and destruction. They like to live in peace and friendship with their neighbors; they prefer to love and be loved rather than to hate and be hated. Cruelty is not a favored human trait. …. While wars rage, yet our desire is for peace, and while animosity prevails, the weight of mankind’s approval is on the side of affiliation. So long as there is this sense of moral dilemma there is hope that it may somehow be resolved and that hate-free values may be brought to prevail…..  Since the end of the Second World War universities m many lands have given new prominence to this approach under various academic names, social science, human development, social psychology, human relations, social relations (Allport, 1954, Preface, p. XIV).

This essay assumes a critical position and puts forth several propositions: a) Cruelty as a strategy for domination and control, that can be seen in certain groups and political stances. b) Cruelty can be a motivation in and for itself, that can be a satisfactory outcome for some people. c) It can be an eventual outcome of certain economic and political policies, without having been intended as such, d) It is a component of other social phenomena such as racism and xenophobia.  e) It has statistical implications for social class. f) It is a cultural strategy for community coherence, but empathy is an advancement beyond cruelty. g) It is systematically taught to the next generation.

 

CRUELTY AS A SOCIAL PHENOMENON

 

a)     Cruelty as a strategy for domination and control, that can be seen in certain groups and political stances.

Sajjad (2022) mentions how discrimination and the legitimation of cruel practices against certain ethnic and racial groups can be used by political leaders as deliberate strategies for obtaining and maintaining power.

One of the strategies for this manipulation can be found in Leon Festinger’s findings regarding the phenomenon of cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957); this is an academic term that refers to am experience in certain groups that feel they must defend weak views or dogmas, such as those who believe in a flat Earth.   They isolate themselves from this dissonance because it is uncomfortable, and they collectively combat it. It is a naturally occurring feeling, but it has been purposefully used to create or change beliefs.[3] One of the modern strategies for inducing or weakening beliefs is called “dissonance bombing” in which deliberately contradictory communications are delivered in meetings or Internet messaging. The goal is to paralyze the goal-population’s ability for intentionally elaborate and form cognitions.

In general, cognitive dissonance is a cognitive state that is aroused when people are exposed to information that is inconsistent with their existing beliefs. If their old beliefs are not directly changed due to this new information, the new communication can be reinterpreted or even rejected. These people may attempt to persuade others to accept their current ideas and begin proselytizing, especially in cases of religious or political differences. This can happen at all levels, between two people, between groups, in relation to mass media, and even at a national stratum (Harmon-Jones & Mill, 2019).

Sajjad had this to say about international dissonance.

…when individual member states act in a way that is openly contrary to the “humanitarian” identity professed by the EU, central EU discourse resolves that cognitive dissonance by utilizing specific discourse topics, discursive strategies, and linguistic means, to construct a hegemonic discourse that legitimizes the actions by individual states as well as EU's central policies. The purpose of the resulting discourse, then, is to “absolve and resolve”—absolving the union as a whole of guilt and resolving the cognitive dissonance between the professed identity of the EU as supremely humanitarian and the observable inhumane acts of itself and its member states. This explains how the EU can employ strategic cruelty to mitigate the arrival of migrants while simultaneously maintaining moral standing to chastise individual members for “violating” the hegemonic collective identity of the union (Sajjad, 2022).

Cognitive dissonance is, for the most part, an individual phenomenon. Leon Festinger published his book, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance in 1957. It established the foundation for many other studies about attitudes and beliefs, and described how they become internalized by people who cease to question them.  Harmon-Jones and Mill (2019) describe the basic postulates of Festinger’s finding in this way.

 

If two cognitions are relevant to one another, they are either consonant or dissonant. Two cognitions are consonant if one follows from the other, and they are dissonant if the obverse (opposite) of one cognition follows from the other. The existence of dissonance, being psychologically uncomfortable, motivates the person to reduce the dissonance and leads to avoidance of information likely to increase the dissonance. The greater the magnitude of the dissonance, the greater is the pressure to reduce dissonance (p.3).

Dissonance is, in the end, an emotional reaction to cognitive conflict. It is unpleasant, and the individual will try to alleviate his or her discomfort by reducing the dissonance. The distress may be due to a negative evaluation of one’s own emotional states or reactions. it can be considered as the unpleasant motivational state that results from the inconsistency between people’s cognitions about their behaviors, affects and ideas (Fontanari, Bonniot-Cabanac,  Cabanac & Perlovsky, 2012).

One of the areas in which cognitive dissonance is active is in relation to remorse, or a bad conscience. Breslavs (2013) says that: “Given the essence of self-control, we can expect that the coherence between our social behavior and our aspirations leads to  a feeling of pride, while incoherence leads to feelings of shame and guilt.” He differentiates guilt and shame. Guilt is private and shame is public. He says that

“Some researchers consider that guilt is based on empathy with real or imagined victims of our activity (or on passivity) and presupposes concerns about issues connected with the direct or indirect responsibility […. Others suggest that] guilt  promotes reparative behavior and an increase in motivation to communicate, whereas shame leads to withdrawal and a decrease in this motivation.”

He says that the dissonance caused by shame can lead to a reappraisal of the situation, in which the transgressor does not necessarily change or rectify their behavior, but may transfer their responsibility to others. This may be accompanied by resentment or anger with subsequent aggression. This, of course, will only deepen the dissonance, and will not assuage either the guilt or the shame, and may lead to aggravations of the same inappropriate, and even immoral conduct.

Also, having participated in contra-normative behavior, such as cruelty, may lead people to defend both the reasons for their actions, and the cruelty itself.

b)    Cruelty as a motivation in and for itself, that can be a satisfactory outcome for some people.

When cruelty becomes a main goal it can be considered to be some form of sadism. Sadism is considered a personality trait in which an individual directly feels pleasure from other people's physical or psychological suffering. It spans experiences that go from the passive sensation of enjoying others’ pain (indirect/vicarious sadism) to actively engaging in sadistic behaviors (direct sadism). Sadistic traits are continuously distributed in both community and forensic psychology. This tendency extends from the simple enjoyment of embarrassing others to the much more serious enjoyment of committing torture and murder (Foulkes, 2019; Lobbestael, Slaoui, & Gollwitzer, 2023).

Lobbestael, Slaoui & Gollwitzer (2023) also refer to an “everyday sadism”, which implies a more acceptable form of this condition that can be found in the popularity of violent movies, video games, and brutal sports.

These authors observe that “sadism was not included as a personality disorder diagnosis in later DSM[4] versions because it was considered insufficiently distinct from antisocial and narcissistic personality disorders to warrant a stand-alone disorder” (p . 569). Sadism can include behaviors, thoughts, and fantasies. It can include certain kinds of psychopathy, such as “deficits in emotional functioning and antisocial behavior, such as superficial charm, irresponsibility, apparent fearlessness, conning behaviour/manipulation, and lack of empathy” (p. 570). All this is related to “the Dark Triad [which] is composed of three socially maladaptive personality traits: narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy. All three concepts are underpinned by shared callousness, self-promotion, and social deviance (Ibid). These authors add:

[…] narcissism implies a pattern of attention-seeking and fantasizing about unlimited success or power and possessing a grandiose sense of importance and entitlement. Machiavellianism refers to deception, manipulation, and a common use of deceit, flattery, or cynicism to promote one’s own interests (p. 571).

There are factors that can reduce its impact. One mitigating element mentioned by the authors was a perceived similarity between the victim and the aggressor. In experimental situations, increasing similarity between the participants (sharing their first name or birthday) was associated with decreased aggressive tendencies. Also, in experimental studies, instructions to consider pros and cons of punitive behavior tended to diminish it.

In some settings, such as war or Gestapo-type law enforcement, it is important for those in command to emphasize the differences between “us” and “them”, and to demand that their soldiers or combatants follow orders enthusiastically and without doubts. We can postulate a politically-induced sadism that makes a spectacle of brutality to exasperate out-group aggressions and to enhance in-group loyalties. In this way Swat- or posse-like troops do not hide their violence, rather they publicize it. In a recent example, the government of the United States has announced that the execution by firing squad of the perpetrator of the Fort Hood shooting will be broadcast live on television. This sort of display sanctions sadistic enjoyment. This issue goes beyond the possible punishment of criminal acts, and makes a display of executions and brutal death.

These finding are disquieting, but they can be applied intuitively to understanding and mitigating sadistic behavior in communities and social settings. It is apparent that when people see themselves as “different” from others there is a greater tendency toward cruelty. For this reason, “enemies” are portrayed as belonging to different nationalities, races, religions, or political beliefs. Portraying others as people with possible virtues, and as worthy of empathy, can help reduce sadistic responses. 

It is also worth calling attention to the possible role of making cultural norms salient, and opening discussions about the need for them.

c)     Cruelty can be an eventual outcome of certain economic and political policies, without having been intended as such

There will always be policies that can cause unintended harm. These are not the result of cruelty. When, however, these mistakes are justified by claims that the victims did not deserve better treatment, or that this mistreatment benefits a local group, it becomes an ethical problem.

There have been many of these mistakes. Perhaps one of the worst was the Treaty of Versailles, signed in 1919 at the end World War I. As a result, parts of Germany were taken over by other countries, and Germany was forced to pay costly compensations to the victorious nations. This caused resentment and economic hardship in Germany, and created a social basis for the emergence of the Nazi Party. This bitterness finally led to World War II. It can likewise be said that Germany’s reactions to these punishments by adopting fascism was also an historical mistake. In both cases, both the enforcement of the treaty and the German reaction, were useful in furthering the ambitions of the political leaders of that time -on both sides-, and required the acceptance of their constituencies of both injustice and pain that were inflicted on other people.

Another one of these mistakes was the United States’ involvement in the Vietnam War. It led to millions of deaths, of both Vietnamese and United States’ citizens. It involved war crimes such as the the Mỹ Lai Massacre on March 16, 1968, a mass murder of unarmed civilians in the Sơn Tịnh district of South Vietnam. And it exacerbated political confrontations in the United States and Europe.

d) Cruelty is a component of other social phenomena such as racism and xenophobia.

Alport (1954, Preface, p. XVI), referring to prejudice in general, prefers to speak of “ethnic" prejudice rather than racial rejection. He says:

Ethnic refers to characteristics of groups that may be, in different proportions, physical, national, cultural, linguistic, relgious, or ideological in character. Unlike “race,” the term does not imply biological unity, a condition which in reality seldom marks the groups that are the targets of prejudice. It is true that “ethnic” does not easily cover occupational, class, caste, and political groupings, nor the two sexes — clusters that are also the victims of prejudice.

One of the blanket-areas for ethnic xenophobia is migration. It is one of the ten factors D'Ancona (2018) identifies with xenophobia.[5] Migrants can become targets that subjectively incorporate all the reasons for rejection: they can be accused -with or without evidence- of criminal tendencies, sources of disease, dangerous political tendencies, and general inferiority among other purported dangers they might represent for a resident population. One of the factors that increases these supposed threats is the potential size of the refugee population.

Although anti-immigrant attitudes represent a widespread social problem in many European societies, research has only partially understood the role the demographic size of the immigrant population plays for the prevalence of such attitudes. […] subjective perceptions of a larger immigrant group size [can be] associated with perceptions of threatened group interests, which in turn related to anti-immigrant attitudes. On the other hand, however, larger immigrant group size facilitates intergroup contact, […] (Schlueter, 2010).

This dichotomy in the implications of the size of a potential immigration wave is interesting. The threat is only meaningful if the resident population is unacquainted with people from the migrating groups. When there are representatives of the new group already in the region, then friendships may have formed and the permanent population knows there is no reason to fear them.

The world migrant crisis is not new. In colonial times massive immigration from Europe to the American and African colonies was actively promoted. After the XIX century the newly emergent American countries were no longer accepting massive waves of immigrants. There were several reasons for this, one of which was that these new countries had gradually become populated with Europeans who had begun to settle, and find economic niches and roles. They viewed further immigrants as competition. Also, there was, in all these former colonies, an inherent racism stemming from their past dependency on slave labor, and also on a refusal to see their own appropriation of these lands from the original inhabitants as ethically questionable.

In Europe the roots of racism and xenophobia are older. They come from the gradual formation of national identities that took millenniums to achieve, and also from these countries´ experience with conquest, that left them with the sensation of being the “masters” or as racially or culturally superior. In the first half of the twentieth century, this sentiment became an important strategy for political movements such as Fascism.

Just as European immigrants escaped from the demanding economic conditions in their own countries by flooding to the Americas, in the twenty-first century third-world populations are attempting to migrate, both to the Americas and Europe. These populations are often not “white”, and cannot be easily absorbed in the places where they wish to reestablish themselves.

This has created an ideological problem, above all for Europe, which after forming the European Union, has developed a “sense of self as being supremely humane” (Sajjad, 2022). Sajjad describes how “populist leaders using racist discourse about migration … call for the defense of Europe's borders, while anti-immigrant sentiments continue to shape Europe's immigration debate and policy”. She asks: “How does the EU legitimize violence in its border regime and reconcile this regime with its core identity as a defender of human rights and a “normative superpower?”

e) It has statistical implications for social class

Social class is a very old social construct. In the prehistoric times of the small nomadic groups, there were no social classes, although there was a certain hierarchy which was not the same in all tribes. They organized around ideas of teamwork and cooperation rather than wealth. With the agricultural revolution a surplus of food emerged and lead to a growing differentiation in wealth, and the first social classes were created. In the Egyptian and Mesopotamian empires, society was clearly and rigidly stratified. At the top was the pharaoh, who was considered divine, and below him there was a class of priests, nobles, and administrators, with the peasants and artisans below them in wealth and power. At the very bottom were the slaves. In Greece and Rome ideas of citizenship appeared, but the citizens were still organized by rank. Slavery continued to be the base of most manual labor. Social mobility was somewhat more flexible than in Egypt. The feudal system of the Christian Era was organized into the classes of the nobility, the clergy, and the peasantry. The nobility owned land and wielded political and military power.

Social mobility from one class to another probably became a cultural phenomenon in Roman times. It meant that individuals could change their social standing, mostly because they had accumulated more wealth, but also through military activities. Some slaves were freed, like the Greek philosopher Epictetus. In medieval times rank could be change because of military power, and often, because of activities within in church structures. Almost always this kind of social advancement was restricted to the male population.

The very idea of social mobility can be a cruel idea.

It is quite a difficult stance to take –to argue that social mobility is just as cruel and destructive as it is enhancing and transformative– but in a steeply hierarchical society like the UK, that is what I want to argue. This is in no way to deny that there are positive aspects of social mobility for the individual: it is its collective consequences that are particularly troubling. It primarily operates as a way of recycling inequality (Reay, 2017).

Reay’s observation about the United Kingdom is true for many other places. This is because the idea of social mobility implies that the individual can change their own pertinence to a social and economic class, but leaves the system intact. The cruelty can be found in the fantasy that these labels are self-earned, and that those with ability, intelligence and determination can belong to whatever class they aspire to. The insinuation is that people deserve the class that they belong to, and that those of the “lower classes” merit belonging to them. This has repercussions in terms of self-image, confidence, and other aspirations.   

Chen, Zhang, Feng, Xian, & Zhao, (2024) found in a meta-analysis that living in disadvantaged environments may increase aggression. However, the relationship between social class and aggression and can change with specific contexts, and aggression is not an essential feature of a particular social group.

In general, Chen et all observe that wealth inequity is related to the presence or absence of “social harmony”:

 […] social harmony and economic development […] is often characterized by a significant divide between the rich and poor in many societies. [… ] From a psychological perspective, different social class contexts influence various aspects of human life, including health outcomes, well-being, and self-esteem […] Considerable research has also linked social class to aggression over the past decades. To illustrate, lower social class is a risk factor for higher levels of aggression […] These complex interconnections imply that the differences in aggression between social classes may exist but are not essential or fixed features of particular social groups; rather, they can change depending on specific contexts. Additionally, the inconsistent findings suggest powerful moderators.

They contrast the idea of Objective Social Class (OSC - income, education, and occupation) with that of Subjective Social Class (SSC) in which people construe their circumstances vis-à-vis others. The major difference between these two constructs is that the latter contains social comparison processes. They note that “living under different social class contexts affects various psychological and behavioral outcomes, including aggression.”

They observe that

the threatening environments of lower-class individuals may be associated with other factors that contribute to aggression. For example, the social cognitive theory of social class proposes that lower-class individuals are likely to have less material and psychological resources available to them and, as a result, possess a lower sense of control over their life outcomes [….] In addition, the relative deprivation theory holds that lower-class individuals may experience perceptions of disadvantage from the social comparisons they make between their own social class and that of other persons who are better off […] Moreover, according to the resource scarcity theory, prolonged resource scarcities may impair the cognitive capacity and control of lower-class individuals [….] It has been discovered that social class can positively predict executive functioning, indicating that lower-class individuals perform worse on executive functioning tasks.

These findings may be related to how aggression is conceived and how it is measured. The members of the higher classes have more resources to avoid punishment, and their aggressions may be qualitatively different. For example, the existence the inferior schools and health care in lower class neighborhoods can be conceived of as the result of aggressive political control and economic management on the part of the more affluent. Also, wage scales can be discriminating. In general, white, well-to-do males have better incomes than other groups, and this is the result of their political control over the systems they have created.

Wu, Balliet, Yuan, Li, (et al, 2025) approach the problem of social class from the point of view of “prosociality”:  “that is, behaviors or behavioral intentions that enhance the welfare of another individual, group, or society at large” (p. 286). This more optimistic attitude leads us to look for ways out. The authors do not mention possible policies such as universal health care and education, or the idea of a guaranteed minimum income that is paid to those who do not have enough to live on, but these may be ameliorating policies.  

One perspective argues that communities with fewer resources, may develop adaptive coping strategies through increasing their prosociality and social capital, which promotes the development of social networks of mutual aid. In this this context, the community actively mobilizes its social capital, and articulates contacts, resources and pro-social dialogues between neighbors, family, community groups, church groups, political organizations, as well as alliances with a network of external actors made up of the private sector, Non-Governmental Organizations, universities and United Nations agencies. Solidarity develops between neighbors and different social and political organizations and helps lessen adversity. (Rojas & Cronick, in revision).

 

 

f) It is a cultural strategy for community coherence, but empathy is an advancement beyond cruelty

Jay Robert Pritzker (2026) described empathy and kindness as cultural advancements that surpass cruelty as a cultural strategy. Cruelty has been a “primal urge” that has permitted humanity to form groups and consolidate power. But more advanced evolutionary states involve mutual understandings; they are “new pathways” that no longer are considered “weak” or view the vulnerable and those who are in some way “different” to be the means to power (Pritzker, 2026).

There is an inherent value in human beings. For many millennia, those beings who did not belong to the patrician classes were regarded only as useful pieces to act as soldiers or as economic units from which value could be extracted. The Renaissance challenged this perspective. Suddenly, the human body began to be celebrated for its inherent beauty.  From Michelangelo's Sistine Chapel to the architecture of some of Europe's cathedrals and palaces architecture, paintings, sculpture, and literature opened up to light and the celebration of humanity. The Renaissance rejoiced in humanistic values, rational thought, and harmony. It was a new worldview in which all that was human became divine, and rationality was almost elevated to a form of faith.

This was followed by the Enlightenment, during the 17th and the 18the centuries in Europe and its colonies. In this period the Renaissance values expanded to include the celebration of individual liberty, religious tolerance, and natural rights.

In the twentieth century, after World War II, another major advancement appeared, with the creation of the organization of the United Nations whose core values are peace, freedom, social progress, equal rights and human dignity. These values are explicit in the Charter of the United Nations and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights elaborated by the founders of this entity:

We the peoples of the united nations determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom (United Nations Charter, 1945).

The specific aims of this organization are (Ibid):

1.   To maintain international peace and security […],

2.   To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace […];

3.   To achieve international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion [… and] 

4.   To be a center for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends.

It is clear that these values were not adopted by everyone everywhere. The debates in the United Nations General Assembly often seem paralyzing, and the organization has been criticized for its inaction in certain cases of very serious human rights violations. Also, even though all the participating countries are limited to one vote when decisions are made, the larger countries have more influence because of their greater economic pressure. This gives them more power. However, in spite of these criticisms, it is clear that the existence of the United Nations, and its capacity to place human rights in the center state of modern cultural debate, offers an enormous cultural achievement.

g) ) Cruelty is systematically taught to the next generation.

Cruelty is a cultural trait, and as such can be taught as an acceptable behavior in some situations such as war, slavery, and punishment. I have discussed how it has been accepted in Old Testament and Homeric accounts as an suitable way of dealing with enemies. It has been used in multiple examples of exemplary punishment, from witch burning in Europe and the American continents, to the execution of scientists such as Giordano Bruno or monarchs such as Luis XVI.

The legal motives for executions change, and their value as public spectacles has diminished, but capital punishment still is practiced. In the twentieth century many of the Nazi prisoners that were judged in the Nuremberg trials were executed for war crimes[6]. The recent failed execution of a condemned criminal in the state of Tennessee in the United States has motivated many criticisms of executions in general, even though in this case the method used is considered less cruel than hanging, electrocution, or firing scuads.

There has been an important public movement to reconsider the whole idea of punishment for criminals, especially with respect to the use of capital punishment. Robert Reich (2026), in a recent on-line newsletter said this about the rationale for executing criminals: “Making the criminal suffer achieved the dual purpose of cleansing his soul and deterring other potential criminals”. There has been a general reflection about reconsidering the whole idea of criminal punishment and substituting it with reeducation and rehabilitation. These reflections have emerged from public debate and an increasing cultural discomfort with the use of cruelty as a mechanism of social control. Gradually punitive strategies are being reconsidered and empathetic approaches are beginning to replace them.

In countries like Denmark and Japan empathy forms a part of the regular academic teaching schedule (Liam 2025; Learning for empathy*, 2025; Levett-Jones Cant & Lapkin, 2019). Cronick (2025) explored how empathy can be taught. She described the how it was included in nursing curriculums (Levett-Jones, Cant, and Lapkin, 2019) and how it was most effective using immersive strategies.  Riess (2017) also notes that research has shown that this vital human ability is mutable and can be taught. Cronick observes how videos are beginning to appear on the Internet about learning this skill.

“There is a television series called "Convicts and Pitbulls" (Drachkovitch & Lucas, 2009) in which inmates in prison learn to care for and love violent dogs, and in the process they themselves learn to feel empathetic emotions. In Abramson (2021) there are self-help recommendations for those who want to develop this capacity in themselves.

Mahatma Gandhi said:

“If we are to reach real peace in this world and if we are to carry on a real war against war, we shall have to begin with children; and if they will grow up in their natural innocence, we won't have to struggle; we won't have to pass fruitless idle resolutions, but we shall go from love to love and peace to peace, until at last all the corners of the world are covered with that peace and love for which consciously or unconsciously the whole world is hungering (Gandhi & Homer, 2005).

 

FINAL THOUGHTS

The very existence of a noun that condemns acts that intentionally cause pain is a cultural advancement. This progress has not, however, eliminated cruelty or changed its political and social usefulness in some settings. People can both learn to be cruel and to approve of its use in achieving certain ends.

Factors that limit both its usefulness and the ease with which it is learned as a social tool for group cohesiveness and personal satisfaction include community participation and the experience of cultural and ethnic diversity. People learn that they are more similar than divergent, and that differences, in the end, can be nourishing and advantageous. Openly talking about diversity, and learning to debate different points of view can also reduce intergroup hostility.

Racism, xenophobia, and war are usually the result of long-term and largely unspoken social trauma such as historical slavery, colonialism, sexual discrimination, social class differences and territorial disputes.

Social skills and empathy can be learned. They can form part of educational curricula and purposeful community interaction. There is no doubt that last two millenniums have shown a slow progress toward reconsidering cruelty as an acceptable strategy and finding alternatives. 

 

 

 

 

REFERENCES

Abramson, A. (1 de november de 2021). Cultivating empathy. Monitor on Psychology, 52(8). https://www.apa.org/monitor/2021/11/feature-cultivating-empathy

Allport, Gordon W. (1954).  The nature of prejudice.  Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Cambridge, Massachusetts  https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.188638/2015.188638.The-Nature-Of-Prejudice_djvu.txt

Augustine of Hippo (426/n.d.). The city of God.  Academia. Translated by Marchs Dods, St. William B. Eerdmans publishing company. Edinburgh and Grand Rapids, Michigan. https://www.academia.edu/49353573/City_of_God_Augustine_of_Hippo_426_A_D_COMPLETE_RARE_ENGLISH_VERSION_1381_Pages_NEW_included_long_Footnotes_References

 Breslavs, Gershons Moisejevich (2013, December). Moral emotions, conscience, and cognitive dissonance. Psychology in Russia State of Art 6(4):65-72. DOI:10.11621/pir.2013.0405. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/287548535_Moral_emotions_conscience_and_cognitive_dissonance

Chen, B., Zhang, C., Feng, F., Xian, H., & Zhao, Y. (2024). The association between social class and aggression: A meta-analytic review. Social Science & Medicine, 340, 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2023.116432

Cronick, K. (2022). Los antiguos griegos y nosotros (The ancient Greeks and us). Versión Kindle, published in English in: Cronick, K. (2026, 20 de abril). Los antiguos griegos y nosotros. Blog : reflexiones4-karen.blogspot. https://reflexiones4-karen.blogspot.com/2026/04/los-antiguos-griegos-y-nosotros.html

Cronick, K. (2025, July 14). From hatred to empathy: an essay on free will. Blog : reflexiones4-karen.blogspot. https://reflexiones4-karen.blogspot.com/2025/07/from-hatred-to-empathy-essay-on-free.html

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[1] “The Book of Amos is the third of the Twelve Minor Prophets in the Christian Old Testament and Jewish Tanakh and the second in the Greek Septuagint. The Book of Amos has nine chapters. According to the Bible, Amos was an older contemporary of Hosea and Isaiah,[3] and was active c. 750 BC during the reign of Jeroboam II (788–747 BC) of Samaria (Northern Israel)” (Matt, n.d.)

[2] I think that when one is analyzing cultural premises, especially moral beliefs, that transparency is important. Calling the phenomenon of inflicting pain “cruelty” is already a position taken. Before continuing with this analysis, I would like to declare my own position. I am, for the most part, a pacifist and a vegetarian. I do not consider most military actions to be either productive or moral. I do not believe in punishment for those who commit crimes, especially capital punishment; rather I consider that offenders should be reeducated and reinserted into society. I do not own any kind or armament, and if I did, I would not know how to use it.

[3] This manipulation has happened for many millennia. Festinger’s findings describe it and name it.

[4] The DSM is the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders published by the American Psychiatric Association. The latest edition that was published in 2022, includes updated diagnostic criteria, and the addition of Prolonged Grief Disorder.

[5] These ten factors are: qualification, insecurity, conservatism, contact, immigrants, economic threat, cultural threat, discrimination, coexistence and rejection.

[6] Joachim von Ribbentrop, Wilhelm Keitel, Ernst Kaltenbrunner, Alfred Rosenberg, Hans Frank, Wilhelm Frick, Julius Streicher, Fritz Sauckel, Alfred Jodl and Arthur Seyss-Inquart

 
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